The big question for Nigel Farage which no-one is asking

Brexit Facts4EU.Org looks at a watershed moment for Brexit

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Difficult questions, difficult times

For days we have known something big was about to happen, when a senior individual from the Brexit Party stopped taking our Editor’s calls late last week.

We knew the crisis was about candidate selection but now we know the details. However we are still left with one big question.

The big question for Nigel Farage

The media has understandably been full of commentary about the Brexit Party in the last 24 hours. In fact, it’s the first time that some of the media have given the Party any reasonable amount of coverage in recent weeks.

Most of this coverage has centred on the possible impacts of the Brexit Party’s decision to not to stand in 317 Conservative-held seats, from three perspectives.

Firstly there has been speculation about the electoral impact on the Conservatives, Labour, and the LibDems. Secondly, there has been some discussion about what this decision says about the future of the Brexit Party. And thirdly, individual seats have been mentioned, either asking whether the Brexit Party (TBP) is allowing certain Remainer Tory MPs to go unchallenged by TBP, or why TBP is still contesting a certain marginal Labour or LibDem seat where the Tories stand the best chance.

Surely the bigger question is this:

Why have TBP chosen to stand down in all Conservative-held seats instead of choosing to stand down in around 300 seats on the basis of non-electability and the cause of Brexit?

We will return to this question in a moment, but first let’s look at the new electoral landscape.

A watershed moment

Yesterday represented a pivotal moment in British politics. A fundamental decision was made by TBP. They would no longer stand as a national party in the 2019 General Election.

Let us explain. Fast-forward to the early hours of Friday 13 December, as the results are being reported by Huw Edwards and team on the BBC. One of the key measures they use is voter share – the percentage of the overall vote that each party has received nationally.

Let’s assume for simple arithmetical purposes that the Brexit Party would broadly win 10% of the vote. If they are now only contesting half the seats, their national vote share will be 5%. Hardly impressive.

The Rubicon has been crossed

So, TBP have now made the fundamental step of accepting that one of the key headline figures will make them look insignificant – at least as far as raw statistics are concerned.

Once they have crossed that Rubicon, the next step is to work out where best to deploy resources to maximum effect. There are two main justifications for crossing the Rubicon:

  1. To ensure a majority pro-Brexit government by not splitting the Leave vote
  2. To win a significant number of seats, with perhaps 10 MPs who will then hold the new government to account

This brings us back to the question for Mr Farage

Given that TBP have now accepted they’ve crossed their Rubicon, why did they choose to ally themselves with the Conservative Party, thereby potentially alienating a proportion of their electorate in Labour-held constituencies?

Already the Labour Party is jumping all over this. Here is Jeremy Corbyn’s Twitter feed yesterday:

“One week ago Donald Trump told Nigel Farage to make a pact with Boris Johnson. Today, Trump got his wish. This Trump alliance is Thatcherism on steroids”

Putting aside the inaccuracy of this statement on so many levels, the Labour Party will now be attacking TBP as “the Tory Right”, or similar. This will hardly help TBP’s cause in Labour-held seats.

Observations

Surely TBP could have analysed the constituencies and worked out a plan which didn’t arbitrarily and deliberately favour all Conservative-held seats, including those where arch-Remoaner Tories are standing? If they don’t have the data to do this, we do, and they only had to ask.

Unfortunately a senior member of TBP once told our Editor that “facts don’t matter” in the Brexit debate, so perhaps therein lies part of the answer. (He said this in the context of preferring rallies preaching to the converted.)

It’s not too late

If this new TBP plan had been calculated in such a way as to present the new strategy as a way of delivering a pro-Brexit government, with a reasonable number of TBP MPs to hold it to account, we can’t help feeling this would have been a better approach.

The TBP leadership now have just two days to announce a ‘furtherance’ of the approach to the general election. On Thursday morning all candidates’ election papers must be submitted. After that, candidates’ names and party affiliations will appear on ballot papers, even if they subsequently withdraw.

This could involve a further concentration on constituencies where TBP have a good chance of success, and standing down in constituencies where the only other nominally pro-Brexit party – the Conservatives – might win seats from Labour and the LibDems.

[ Sources: TBP Hartlepool rally | Jeremy Corbyn Twitter feed ] Politicians and journalists can contact us for details, as ever.

Brexit Facts4EU.Org, 12 Nov 2019

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